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Showing posts with label oligarchy. Show all posts
Showing posts with label oligarchy. Show all posts

March 31, 2020

Other Democracies: Mutual Aid and Benefit Organizations


               Protecting communities and aiding vulnerable members of communities becomes a high priority in times of conflict and disaster. Some even say that the duties of protection and aid for the vulnerable are the highest priorities for political bodies, such as governments, local neighborhoods, and grassroots organizations. Yet few elected democracies and organizations make this their highest priority.
Benefit organizations often make equality possible in practice that is impossible under electoral democracy and other political structures that promise equality but rarely deliver. In exchanging equal say in decisions, what some call horizontalism, for shared resources distributed according to need, benefit societies produce more equal social outcomes for those in need. They also educate their communities about how to put equality into practice. Easy to form when many people work together with shared interests and goals, mutual aid and mutual benefit organizations have a long history and an active presence today.
As modern governmentality has come to emphasize the surveillance and enforcement of behavioral norms over care for the population during the past several centuries, governments often lose sight of what many see as their primary purpose: protection and aid for citizens. As enclosure and industrialization forced people off the land where they could care for their own basic needs and displaced them into urban settings, people turned to each other when employers and governments did not ensure their safety and welfare. As governments come under the sway of the wealthy and of other narrow interests, then they put profits before people.
               These changes over past centuries have meant that many governments take their own self-preservation as a higher priority. As a result, some governments put protecting the leaders and administrators of nation-states before protecting the common person and before ensuring the care of vulnerable populations. This priority reversal can be seen when government leaders enter conflicts unnecessarily where many citizens die, especially conflicts without direct threats to the nation-state. It can also be seen when disaster strikes and the government does not care effectively for those affected or, worse, takes advantage of disasters to implement policies opposed by its citizens.
In times of disaster and conflict, those social sectors that have not found governments reliable turn to other means to protect and care for their community members. As governments fail to serve all members of their populations, communities may seek out other ways to manage their own affairs. Some of those other means include benefit organizations and mutual aid societies, organizations that practice a specific form of democratic self-governance known as democracy from below or direct democracy.
Benefit societies and mutual aid organizations are often seen as a type of communalism, long-established practices that experiment with attempts to find better ways to live while providing concrete benefits to participants. By sharing not only resources but also conviviality, these organizations provide an ethics that is missing from capitalism and electoral democracy. In educating their members and encouraging shared social norms, they may provide a sense of community that prioritizes sharing over private gain. By practicing reciprocity rather than charity, they provide important sources of belonging and mutual care that differs from the benevolence found in twentieth-century charities and twenty-first century non-profits and non-governmental organizations. While less functionally specific than cooperatives, communal movement have often been a resource for those who wished to escape oppressive conditions and find liberation.
What are today called “benefit organizations” are a very old type of organization, perhaps as old as government itself. They generally form when social networks take action to care for a population, whether an occupational group, an ethnic or religious group (often under attack from other social sectors), a town or regional community, or other social groups that determine it is time to act to care for their shared interests. In this sense, “benefit organization” or “mutual aid” are more general terms for self-government or for autonomy or even for what many refer to as “sovereignty” or “politics.”
While some associate mutual aid with European organizations, this type of collective care has a long history in other regions, such as Asia and Africa. While some schools of thought and economic practice, such as libertarianism, anarchism, and some schools of socialism, have tried to claim mutualism as their own, others find the practice of caring for the vulnerable in society to be broader than any specific sectarian interest. Organizations from communities using approaches as varied as Indigenous autonomy and cultural revitalization movements, landless workers, slum dwellers, and other urban subalterns have worked collectively to protect and care for their community members.
Benefit orders and mutual aid societies were commonplace in much of the world until the modern welfare state and for-profit corporations and nation-states began to compete for their members. Many of their features have been taken over by for-profit entities, such as insurance companies and health-care companies, and by non-profit organizations like credit unions and religious charities, so some modern benefit societies now take these forms. The penetration of the modern, centralized nation-state into local governmental affairs was another major competitor for benefit organizations, and their failure to effectively care for the basic needs of all may be seen in the flourishing of organizations like Reclaim Our Homes and Habitat for Humanity, two of the best-known benefit organizations in the United States. The transnational donor structures of civil society organizations and international non-governmental organizations like the Red Cross and Red Crescent are a distorted form of benefit societies on a global scale, often transforming private resources into mechanisms that care for vulnerable populations based on a charity model rather than by building reciprocal relations. The continuing presence of mutual aid organizations is also seen strongly in Europe, where they still supplement health care for many.
Today these organizations go by many other names, many of which are familiar: labor or trade unions; credit unions; immigrant hometown societies; friendly societies and secret societies; self-help groups; coworking communities, and many others. Rural communities in the Global South and pre-capitalist guilds and neighborhoods have long put mutual benefit practices into place as a way to engage community members. In urban communities where the unemployed and others abandoned by the nation-state have come together to serve their own needs also practice mutual aid and benefit in such forms as social centers and unions of the unemployed.
Mutual aid community organizing often emerges in post-disaster circumstances, and the current corona virus pandemic has inspired many to suggest mutual aid as an important resource. These spontaneous organizations have emerged also in times of political struggle, as in resistance to slavery, the Tienanmen Square Protests of 1989, and the Los Angeles uprising of 1992. Already established benefit organizations, such as the Village Movement in the Untied States, have already begun to respond to the corona virus, for example. New mutual organizations have also emerged in response to the pandemic in the United States and other locations.
Benefit societies can also be formalized through charters, incorporation, and other modes of communal or governmental recognition. Many benefit societies currently active were established a century or more ago, and have incorporated to carry out their activities, including Woodmen of the World, the Knights of Columbus, and Teachers Life. While some of these groups have very long roots, they remain a significant force in the twenty-first century with some 9 million members and about $400 billion dollars (US) in assets in the United States alone.
               While the language of benefit societies and mutual aid may not be familiar to all in our day, that is because the nation-state and for-profit and non-profit organizations have eclipsed them in public awareness. When the European health-care industry and the American Association of Retired People and other mainstream organizations advocate joining or starting your own mutual aid group, however, then what might seem like an antiquated organizational model has clearly entered the mainstream.
               If you wish to practice equality, it is as easy as volunteering with the Village Movement or Habitat for Humanity, participating in a hometown organization, becoming a union or credit union member, or joining other mutual aid groups near you. When the inequality of centralized hierarchies like private corporations, non-profit organizations, or nation-states are recognized as generators of the inequality they disavow but cannot avoid, then perhaps more people will form benefit organizations to meet their basic needs and protect themselves and vulnerable groups. It would  be easier to find ways to practice equality when not impacted by major threats like natural disasters, wars, and pandemics, but times of stress and high risk for many is precisely when mutual aid organizing takes off.

January 27, 2020

Defending Democracy: Dying Democracies East and West


               The transition from a government of rotating elected officials subject to the will of voters to autocratic government is a slippery slope. Once government officials begin to allow narrow interests prevail over policies that benefit the general public, the slide downwards into oligarchy, demagoguery, and the death of democracy can be rapid. 
               President Putin’s decision to disband the Russian government and begin a transition to new political system earlier this month appears to be one such step in the direction of the end of democratic governance. While holding regular elections in the post-Soviet era, Russia may seem to be an electoral democracy.
Yet the presence of elections, even elections certified as valid by international bodies, is never enough to guarantee democracy. Indeed, the presence of elections often hide different problems with democracy.
               When electoral democracies allow oligarchs to monopolize political systems, they run the risk that the oligarchs will decide they don’t want to give up power. In Russia’s case this year, Putin seems to be pursuing a permanent political post for himself. Permanent office for political leaders mean the death of democracy.
               Those who believe in Western European governance models and capitalist economies may assume that this problem is limited to the recent history of Eastern European experience with centralized socialism under the sway of the Soviet Union. For them, the trouble begins and ends with one country, Russia, or even more narrowly with a single individual, Vladimir Putin.
But many political theorists find that all centralized governments east and west are hampered by a larger, more generalized problem. This problem is sometimes known as the state of exception, to use the language of Carl Schmitt. Schmitt argued that any government system where leaders can declare exceptions to the rule of law risked ceding its sovereignty to individuals. In Schmitt’s view this weakness made the modern liberal state vulnerable to capture by individuals who pursued their own individual interests. Schmitt’s turn towards nationalist socialism in Germany in response to this flaw in democracies led him to support Nazi German policies. Others have responded to Schmitt's analysis of weaknesses in centralized democracies by turning away from political practices with centralized authority structures.
As Giorgio Agamben argued, this weakness of democracy is pervasive, and not limited to conservative states or European states or autocracies. The state of exception weakness suggests that all liberal democracies are vulnerable. These weaknesses are important in the United States as well, since many senior officials in U.S. administrative positions studied Schmitt carefully. They have also impacted the United States through the view of one of Schmitt’s followers, Friedrich Hayek, an important architect of present-day highly centralized economic policies known as neoliberalism.
Some have found this weakness at work in the rapid assertion of executive authority under the Bush Administration in the United States after 9/11, and in the Trump administration more recently.  While some have argued that the U.S. government is now an oligarchy and longer a democracy, it does seem clear at this point that Trump clearly does not believe he is limited by the rule of law.
One important weapon wielded to ensure subjection of the head of state to the rule of law in a constitutional democracy is the impeachment process. By placing this weapon in the hands of the legislative branch, those democracies which practice impeachment give the people's elected representatives a counter weight to the individual sovereign, the executive branch. In general concept, impeachment means the people can rule, rather than the monarch or dictator.
Keeping the balance of power tilted in the direction of the people takes hard work in all democracies. As Hakim Jeffries, Representative from Brooklyn, pointed out when he made the analogy with Putin in Russia explicit in his opening remarks to the U.S. impeachment process, this problem is found not only in the United States but also in Russia and Turkey and other nation-states that claim to be democracies.
Yet impeachment is not without its perils. Sovereigns can use legal arguments to provide a cover for those elected officials who support oligarchy and autocracy. As one Representative, Tom Railsback of Illinois, argued during preparations for the 1974 impeachment of President Nixon argued, “If the Congress doesn’t get the material we think we need and then votes to exonerate, we’ll be regarded as a paper tiger.” The risk of the current circumstances in the United States is that President Trump’s allies in the U.S. Senate will acquit him of wrongdoing, strengthening his chances of remaining in office for four more years. Demanding that a sovereign submit to the rule of law and then failing to enforce the demand would be devastating to any democracy.
History reminds us that four more years on a slippery slope may be a long ride downhill, from the foothills of democracy into the valley of autocracy. President Trump’s ally in Russia, President Putin, may be in the middle of demonstrating how to take a large nation-state on a long ride into the darkness of leaders without elections, government without rule of law, and a social order that does not respond to the will of the people.
If impeachment does not remove President Trump, there are many other weapons useful in reclaiming democracy from oligarchs, autocrats, sovereigns, and dictators. How-to handbooks at carrying out mass movements successful at removing oligarchs and autocrats from power in the past year have been presented this year in Lebanon and Algeria, to name just two struggles. Other how-to guides might be seen in street battles that have fought major national governments to a draw in China and France.  
Democracy is never handed to the people. They must fight to claim their governments as their own, to claim rule by the demos, rule by all, not rule by the few, rule by experts.
However the ongoing battle turns out over democracy and the rule of law in the United States, centralized democracies will retain their weakness for exceptions to the rule of law. So those who might want to defend democracy will continue to have reason to fight for rule by all, meetings to go to, and work to do.

December 26, 2018

Misnaming Democracy: The Colonial Heritage of National Democracies


                The British empire is coming under criticism in news reports about recent court decisions striking down legal bans against same-sex relations in India and Singapore. Section 377 in the Indian penal code criminalizing certain sexual acts was the direct model for penal codes in other colonies, such as Section 377A in Singapore’s criminal code. In borrowing from the Indian penal code and other legal conventions, Singapore took India’s legal system as a model adaption of the British legal and constitutional system.
                Little is being said about other aspects of the colonial heritage that remain embedded in democratic governance and legal practices globally. The adoption of electoral democracy and bicameral parliamentary systems after gaining independence from direct European control was widespread, for example, even though the European claims to democracy were also part of the colonial heritage. Even those countries who were not directly colonized by European powers, like Japan and Thailand, drew on European models for their constitutions and legal systems. These colonial practices at the founding of modern nation-states is one form of the founding violence of many national democracies.
                The Kenyan social critic Ngũgĩ Wa Thiong’o’s essays and novels have explored multiple ways in which the Kenyan postcolonial political and legal system reproduces the British colonial governance system and legal order. Like Section 377 in the Indian penal code, Kenyan practices were put into place after the British lost direct political control, and they have proven very effective in producing small economic and political elites rather than social equality for all. Ngũgĩ has detailed specific legal codes, government departments, and other aspects to the Kenyan postcolonial state that were effective in putting him in prison and then chasing him out of the country, just as these codes and departments have been effective to silence other critics in other postcolonial nations. This oligarchic pattern may be found across the former colonies not only of Britain but of France and other European colonial powers.
                In the United States and other British settler colonies, the legal framework used by nations claiming democracy as their own is not always so directly related to the colonial legal heritage. Take the important 1823 U.S. Supreme Court decision, Johnson v. McIntosh which provides the foundation for the U.S. legal system of private property. This decision, taught in every introductory course on property law, draws not on British but on Spanish and Portuguese legal doctrines known as the Doctrine of Discovery that continue to rely on papal bulls issued from Rome. This legal decision was central to the theft of the heritage lands of Native Nations in the United States. It continues to provide an important pillar for colonialism in the Americas long after the Spanish, the Portuguese, and the British have lost direct political control of their colonies.
                None of these legal instruments and government practices produce the equality that democracy promises. They were put in place centuries ago in order to produce and preserve inequality between colonizers and their subjects.
When they are left in place in postcolonial, settler colonial, and other national legal and constitutional after the colonizers have left, they do not serve democratic ends. Rather, they contribute to the inequality that characterizes so many national political systems that claim democracy as their own.  
A wide range of organizations have opposed various specific items in these legal codes, as has been seen not only in the recent Section 377 decisions but also in the opposition to the Doctrine of Discovery by the Presbyterian Church, the Episcopal Church, and other religious organizations. It will take longer for consolidated opposition to emerge against other aspects of the colonial, neocolonial, and postcolonial heritage of present-day democratic practices. Only then will democracy become a decolonized form of government.